ICAEW chart of the week: One Big Beautiful Bill Act 2025

My chart for ICAEW this week looks at the impact on the US federal government deficit of the major tax and spending changes passed by Congress and signed into law by President Trump on 4 July 2025.

ICAEW chart of the week: A step chart showing the projected effect of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act 2025 on the average annual US federal government deficit between FY2025 and FY2034. 

Left hand column: Baseline projection $2,109bn. 

Steps 1 to 3 (shaded): Spending cuts -$110bn plus Tax cuts +$449bn plus Extra interest +$68bn. 

Step 4: Net change +$407bn (total of steps 1 to 3). 

Right hand column: Revised projection $2,516bn. 

25 Jul 2025. Chart by Martin Wheatcroft FCA. Design by Sunday. 
Sources: Congressional Budget Office; ICAEW calculations.

My chart this week looks at the impact on the US federal government deficit of the major tax and spending changes passed by Congress and signed into law by President Trump on 4 July 2025. 

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) published on 21 July 2025 its assessment of Public Law 119-21 (the 21st law passed by Congress in its 119th session), also known as the One Big Beautiful Bill Act 2025 (OBBBA).

OBBBA was passed by Congress and signed into law by President Trump on 4 July 2025 and contains sweeping changes to the US federal tax system as well as a significant shift in spending priorities.

The chart this week attempts to illustrate the impact of OBBBA on the federal deficit by looking at how it changes the average annual projected deficit over the next 10 years from FY2025 (the current fiscal year ending on 30 September 2025) to FY2034, compared with the CBO’s baseline projection.

The baseline projection, published by the CBO in January 2025, was for the federal government deficit to increase from $1,865bn in FY2025 to $2,597bn in FY2034, an average deficit over the 10 years of $2,109bn or 5.8% of GDP.

According to the CBO, OBBBA is expected to increase the federal deficit each year by $339bn on average over the period to FY2034, with a net cut in federal spending of $110bn on average offsetting a net cut in revenues of $449bn. The CBO’s assessment does not take account of the additional cost of financing these higher deficits, which ICAEW calculates would add a further $68bn a year on average to the interest bill. 

The consequence is a net increase in the annual federal deficit of $407bn on average over 10 years, taking it to an average of $2,516bn or 7.0% of GDP.

Net spending cuts of $110bn comprise spending increases of $66bn a year on average, net of spending reductions of $164bn a year and incremental ancillary income that is deducted from spending of $12bn. Extra spending includes an extension of child tax benefits ($19bn a year on average) and more money for homeland security and immigration enforcement ($18bn), the military and coastguard ($17bn), farm subsidies ($5bn), air traffic control ($1bn), the mission to Mars ($1bn) and other items ($5bn). 

Spending reductions include cuts in Medicaid and Medicare programmes ($106bn on average each year), education and student loan relief ($30bn), other welfare and health programmes ($19bn), clean energy subsidies ($8bn) and other cuts ($1bn), while ancillary income comprises $9bn on average from spectrum auctions, $2bn from oil and gas leases, and $1bn extra from higher visa fees.

Net tax cuts comprise $511bn a year in tax cuts less $62bn a year in tax increases.

Tax cuts include making previous temporary tax cuts permanent ($379bn), business tax reforms ($97bn), personal tax reforms ($26bn), energy related tax credits ($4bn), Medicaid and Medicare related tax deductions ($3bn), and other ($2bn). Tax increases include the termination of tax reliefs for clean energy ($47bn a year), addressing tax loopholes ($6bn), additional immigration fees included in revenue ($4bn), taxing low-value international shipments ($4bn) and other ($1bn).

The CBO doesn’t directly conclude what this will mean for the US national debt (debt held by the public), which was expected in January’s baseline projection to increase from $28.2tn or 98% of GDP at the start of the current financial year to $49.5tn or 117% of GDP on 30 September 2034. Adding $4.1tn over 10 years to that amount suggests this would increase to $53.6bn or 127% of GDP.

These numbers don’t take account of the anticipated economic boost of lower taxes that should partially offset some of the tax impacts set out in the CBO’s analysis, as well as increasing the denominator in the deficit to GDP ratio. However, they also don’t take account of other factors such as US trade policy – including the additional tax receipts from tariffs and the potential effect that those higher taxes will have on the US economy – or many other policies of the US administration. We will need to wait for the CBO’s next full economic and fiscal projections later in the year to understand more about what that might mean.

Either way, the OBBBA will go down as one of the most consequential legislative acts of the US Congress in recent years.

This chart was originally published by ICAEW.

First quarter fiscal deficit in line as Chancellor ponders tax rises

Despite borrowing to fund the deficit in the first three months of the financial year of £58bn being in line with expectations, it was still the third-highest first quarter result on record.

The monthly public sector finances release for June 2025 published by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) on 22 July reported a provisional deficit of £21bn for the month of June and £58bn for the three months then ended. This is £4bn more and in line with budget respectively, and £7bn and £8bn more in each case than the first fiscal quarter a year ago.

Alison Ring OBE FCA CPFA, ICAEW Director of Public Sector and Taxation, says: “Even if borrowing to fund the deficit in the month of June was only a little higher than expected and was in line with expectations in the first three months of the financial year, the first quarter was still the third highest since monthly records began. This trajectory will not have lightened the Chancellor’s mood as she decides which taxes to put up in the Autumn Budget later this year. 

“The government has two big problems with the public finances: the short-term outlook – which is bad – and their long-term prospects – which are worse. Public spending continues to outpace tax receipts by a significant margin, while the OBR has reiterated its conclusion that the public finances are unsustainable over the next 25 to 50 years if this and future governments continue on the current path. 

“Unfortunately, the major challenges facing the public finances over the next quarter of a century and beyond means that this will not be the last time a chancellor of the exchequer needs to come back asking for more. Now is the time to stop kicking the can down the road and develop a comprehensive long-term fiscal strategy to put the public finances onto a sustainable path.”

Month of June 2025

The fiscal deficit for June 2025 was £21bn, £4bn more than budgeted and £7bn more than a year previously. According to the ONS, this was the second-highest June deficit since monthly records began in 1993, with only June 2020 during the pandemic being higher.

First quarter to June 2025

The deficit for the first three months of the 2025/26 financial year was £58bn, £8bn more than a year previously. Despite being in line with budget, this is the third-highest first quarter deficit since monthly records began (after the first quarter deficits in 2020/21 and 2021/22). 

Table 1 highlights how total receipts and total current spending in the three months to June 2025 of £278bn and £323bn were up 7% and 8% respectively, compared with the same period last year.

Receipts were boosted by the employer national insurance increase from April 2025 onwards in addition to the effect of fiscal drag on income tax caused by the continued freeze in personal tax allowances. Meanwhile, the increase in current spending over the past year was primarily as a consequence of public sector pay rises, higher supplier costs and rises in welfare benefits.

The increase in debt interest of £5bn to £42bn consisted of a £6bn increase in indexation on inflation-linked debt as inflation returned less a £1bn reduction in interest on variable and fixed-interest debt. The latter was primarily the effect of a lower Bank of England base rate offsetting a higher level of debt compared with a year ago.

Net investment of £13bn in the first quarter of 2025/26 was £1bn or 8% higher than the same period last year. Capital expenditure of £22bn was up by £1bn and capital transfers (capital grants, research and development funding, and student loan write-offs) of £9bn were up by £1bn, less depreciation of £18bn up by £1bn.

Table 1: Summary receipts and spending

3 months to June2025/26
£bn
2024/25
£bn
Change
%
Income tax6460+7%
VAT5250+4%
National insurance4841+17%
Corporation tax2624+8%
Other taxes5756+2%
Other receipts3130+3%
Current receipts278261+7%
Public services(178)(165)+8%
Welfare(77)(72)+7%
Subsidies(8)(8)
Debt interest(42)(37)+14%
Depreciation(18)(17)+6%
Current spending(323)(299)+8%
Current deficit(45)(38)+18%
Net investment(13)(12)+8%
Deficit(58)(50)+16%

Borrowing and debt

Table 2 summarises how the government borrowed £64bn in the first quarter to take public sector net debt to £2,874bn on 30 June 2025. The movements comprised £58bn in public sector net borrowing (PSNB) to fund the deficit and £6bn to fund government lending activities and working capital movements.

The table also illustrates how the debt to GDP ratio increased from 95.2% of GDP at the start of the financial year to 96.3% on 30 June 2025, with the incremental borrowing partly offset by the ‘inflating away’ effect of inflation and economic growth adding to GDP, the denominator in the net debt to GDP ratio.

Table 2: Public sector net debt and net debt/GDP

3 months to June2025/26
£bn
2024/25
£bn
PSNB5850
Other borrowing6(3)
Net change6447
Opening net debt2,8102,686
Closing net debt2,8742,733
PSNB/GDP2.0%1.8%
Other/GDP0.2%(0.1%)
Inflating away(1.1%)(1.5%)
Net change1.1%0.2%
Opening net debt/GDP95.2%95.6%
Closing net debt/GDP96.3%95.8%

Public sector net debt on 30 June 2025 of £2,874bn comprised gross debt of £3,286bn less cash and other liquid financial assets of £412bn. 

Public sector net financial liabilities were £2,504bn, comprising net debt of £2,874bn plus other financial liabilities of £706bn less illiquid financial assets of £1,076bn. Public sector negative net worth was £878bn, being net financial liabilities of £2,504bn less non-financial assets of £1,626bn.

Revisions

Caution is needed with respect to the numbers published by the ONS, which are repeatedly revised as estimates are refined and gaps in the underlying data are filled. This includes local government where the numbers are only updated in arrears and are based on budget or high-level estimates in the absence of monthly data collection.

The latest release saw the ONS revise the previously reported deficit for the two months to May 2025 down by £1bn and revise public sector net debt on 31 May 2025 up by £7bn.

For further information, read the public sector finances release for June 2025.

This article was originally published by ICAEW.

ICAEW chart of the week: climate change and the public finances

My chart for ICAEW this week looks at how climate change is now expected to make the OBR’s dire predictions for the public finances even worse.

A line chart on climate change and the public finances, with three curved lines for public sector net as a share of GDP over fifty years. with labels from March 2034 onwards. 

Bottom line: Baseline public sector net debt/GDP. Falls from just under 100% of GDP to 90% of GDP in March 2034 and then rises to 100%, 130%, 188% and 274% of GDP in March 2044, 2054, 2064 and 2074 respectively. 

Middle line: Baseline + climate change (below 3°C scenario). Rises from 94% of GDP in March 2034 (label not shown) to 114%, 157%, 235% and 348% of GDP in March 2044, 2054, 2064 and 2074 respectively. 

Top line: Baseline + climate change + economic shocks. Rises from 104% in March 2034 to 134%, 187%, 275% and then 398% in March 2074. 

18 Jul 2025. Chart by Martin Wheatcroft FCA. Design by Sunday. Sources: OBR, 'Fiscal risks and sustainability', Sep 2024 and Jul 2025 reports.

ICAEW’s chart of the week is on climate change this week, illustrating how it could add a further 74 percentage points to the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR)’s already disheartening baseline projection for public sector net debt of 274% of GDP to reach 348% of GDP, or potentially 398% if economic shocks are included.

The baseline projection, published by the OBR in September 2024, showed public sector net debt as a proportion of the size of the economy falling from just under 100% of GDP to 90% of GDP in March 2034 and then rising to 100%, 130%, 188% and 274% of GDP in March 2044, 2054, 2064 and 2074 respectively. 

One of the main drivers of the baseline projection is the expected rise in spending on pensions, health and social care as more people live longer, sometimes less healthy lives, combined with a falling fertility rate that means there will be proportionately fewer working age adults to pay the taxes needed to fund that rise.

Incorporating the OBR’s new central projection for climate change, public sector net debt would be 94% of GDP in March 2034 (not shown in the chart because of a lack of space between lines) and then 114%, 157%, 235% and 348% of GDP in March 2044, 2054, 2064 and 2074 respectively. Adding potential economic shocks on top would increase the projection for public sector net debt/GDP to 104% in March 2034 rising to 134%, 187%, 275% and then 398% in March 2074.

The September 2024 baseline projection included the loss of fuel duty receipts from the phasing out of petrol and diesel vehicles between now and 2050, but the OBR in its recent July 2025 fiscal and sustainability report has looked in more detail at both the incremental costs of transitioning to net zero and the damage that is likely to result from a much warmer and wetter climate in several different scenarios.

OBR’s central ‘below 3°C’ scenario is based on global average temperatures rising by 2.9°C above pre-industrial levels by 2100, of which weather and other damage associated with a much warmer and wetter climate is projected to add 17 percentage points to accumulated debt over the next half century from direct and indirect costs and revenue losses. Climate damage is also expected to result in slower economic growth that would add 27 percentage points over 50 years by reducing the denominator in the debt to GDP ratio. The government’s share of transition costs (including lower tax receipts from higher private sector spending) is projected to add 7 percentage points, while there is a 22 percentage point impact from the incremental debt interest that would be incurred on a higher level of debt.

This is before taking account of recessions and other potential economic shocks, which based on historical patterns are expected to add 10% of GDP to public sector net debt every decade or so.

The chart does not reflect other risks identified by the OBR in its latest report, where it reports that the exposures to the public finances have increased since its assessment last year. One risk they did look at in some detail is the prospect of higher interest rates on government borrowing on the basis that demand for gilts reduces as the Bank of England winds down its holdings of gilts (quantitative tightening) and defined benefit pension schemes gradually sell their holdings of gilts to fund pension payments. This risk might be mitigated by selling shorter-dated gilts, although shorter maturities would make the public finances less resilient by increasing the amount of debt needing to be refinanced each year.

The OBR’s dismal assessment of the prospects for the public finances highlights just how difficult a financial position the UK finds itself in, with a lot to do (and some luck needed) if it is to be restored to a sustainable path. At the same time, the costs of climate change are now becoming that much more apparent as extreme weather events and other climate-related costs start to show up in public finance and insurance data.

For more information about the role of the accountancy profession in climate change, visit ICAEW’s climate hub.

This chart was originally published by ICAEW.

ICAEW chart of the week: Spending up

My chart for ICAEW this week looks at what the Spending Review 2025 does to total day-to-day spending and capital budgets over the next three years.

A step chart showing the Spending Review 2025 change in total departmental budgets over three years. 

2025/26: Day-to-day spending £517bn + Capital investment £131bn = total £648bn. 

Inflation: +£38bn (+1.9% a year). 

Day-to-day spending: +£21bn (+1.3% a year). 

Capital investment: +£10bn (+2.4% a year). 

2028/29: Day-to-day spending £568bn + Capital investment £149bn = total £717bn. 

20 Jun 2025. Chart by Martin Wheatcroft. Design by Sunday. 
Source: HM Treasury. 'Spending Review 2025'.

Last week’s chart of the week looked at the winners and losers between departments in the Spending Review 2025. This week’s chart looks at the overall picture and the government’s different approaches between operating and capital expenditure.

As my chart this week illustrates, total departmental budgets for the current financial year ending on 31 March 2026 (2025/26) of £648bn are expected to rise to £717bn by 2028/29. This comprises departmental ‘day-to-day’ operating budgets of £517bn in 2025/26 that rise to £568bn in 2028/29 and departmental capital budgets going from £131bn to £149bn over the same period.

Inflation of 1.9% a year on average is expected to add £38bn a year to total departmental spending by the end of the three-year period, with a real-term increase in operating budgets of £21bn by 2028/29 or 1.3% a year on average, and a real-term increase in capital budgets of £10bn or 2.4% a year on average. 

In practice, the increase in day-to-day spending is not much of an increase at all given that ‘government inflation’ is often higher than the GDP inflator all-economy measure of inflation used in HM Treasury’s calculations. Pay awards and supplier price rises are likely to absorb a significant proportion of this additional money, with departments needing to find significant efficiency savings and productivity improvements if they are to avoid cuts to public services, let alone improve them. And, as our chart last week highlighted, several departments are in effect having their operating budgets cut over the spending review period. 

Unlike operating budgets, where total planned departmental spending increases each year broadly in line with inflation and the 1.3% average real-term increase, the average annual real-term increase of 2.4% a year in capital budgets over three years comprises a 6.9% real-term increase in 2026/27, a real-term cut of 0.2% in 2027/28, and a real-term increase of 0.7% in 2028/29. (There is also no increase after inflation in the fourth year to 2029/30, which would reduce the average annual increase over four years to 1.8%.)

This follows an 11.6% real-term increase in capital budgets in 2025/26 that was enabled by the Chancellor’s change to the fiscal rules in the Autumn Budget 2024. This gave the government more flexibility to borrow for capital investment, and the Chancellor chose to front load that investment, no doubt in the hope of accelerating the economic benefits of that investment and of improving public services more quickly than might be possible if spreading the increase more evenly over the spending review period.

Whether the government will be able to actually deliver its planned capital programmes as quickly as it might hope remains to be seen, as will whether that investment in turn actually results in stronger economic growth and better public services. Let’s hope it does, as we could definitely do with a boost.

This chart was originally published by ICAEW.

ICAEW chart of the week: Spending Review 2025

My chart for ICAEW this week looks at the government’s priorities as expressed through departmental budgetary allocations over the next three years.

A bar chart showing the average annual real-term percentage increase in departmental spending over the three years to 2028/29.

Defence +3.8%. 
Security +3.7%. 
Business & Trade +3.0%. 
Health +2.7%. 
Local Government. +2.6% (central funding +1.1%, balance from local taxation). 
Justice +2.0%. 
Overall average increase +1.5%. 
Science +0.9%. 
Education +0.8%. 
Devolved administrations +0.7%. 
Energy & New Zero +0.7%. 
Home Office +0.5%. 
Cabinet Office +0.4%. 
DWP -0.2%. 
Transport -0.5%. 
Culture, Media & Sport -1.4%. 
HMRC -1.5%. 
Hm Treasury -1.9%. 
Agriculture & Rural Affairs -2.3%. 
Foreign & Development -8.3%. 
Asylum -13.1%. 

13 Jun 2025. Chart by Martin Wheatcroft. Design by Sunday. Source: HM Treasury, 'Spending Review 2025'.

The Spending Review 2025 establishes base operating budgets for government departments for the three financial years from 1 April 2026 (2026/27, 2027/28 and 2028/29) and base capital budgets for four financial years (extending to 2029/30).

Departmental budgets for the current financial year ending on 31 March 2026 (2025/26), total £648bn and are expected to rise to £678bn in 2026/27, £697bn in 2027/28, and £717bn in 2028/29, an increase of 10.6% over the three years or 3.4% a year. This is equivalent to an average increase of 1.5% a year in real terms after adjusting for inflation of 1.9% a year on average over the spending review period.

The totals can be analysed between operating or ‘day-to-day’ budgets of £517bn, £536bn, £552bn and £568bn in 2025/26, 2026/27, 2027/28 and 2028/29 respectively and capital budgets of £131bn, £143bn, £145bn and £149bn. These are real terms increases of 1.2% and 2.4% a year on average over three years. 

The capital budget in 2029/30 is £152bn, a cut in real terms that reduces the average annual increase in capital budgets over four years to 1.8% a year on average.

My chart this week highlights how the 1.5% average annual real increase over three years in total budgets (operating and capital) has been allocated across departments, starting with the Ministry of Defence, which leads the pack with an average increase in its budget of 3.8% a year, followed closely by the security services, with an average annual increase of 3.7%. This reflects the elevation of national defence and security to the top of the government’s priorities since the general election last year, even though this increase will only move defence and security spending from 2.3% of GDP currently to 2.6% of GDP by 2027, a long way off the proposed 3.5% of GDP new minimum to be discussed at the NATO summit.

Economic growth and the NHS are the next highest priorities for the government and so it is perhaps unsurprising that the Department of Business & Trade does well with an annual average increase of 3.0%, closely followed by the Department of Health & Social Care, which receives 2.7%. The latter is the biggest increase in cash terms, at £31bn in total or about £12bn more in 2028/29 after adjusting for inflation.

Local government finances are in a parlous state and so the government has pencilled in a 2.6% average annual increase in core budgets for local authorities in England over the next three years. However, it is only increasing central funding by 1.1% a year on average, implying the balance will need to be made by local taxation, principally council tax.

The Ministry of Justice has been awarded 2.0% a year on average as the government seeks to tackle significant backlogs in the courts, overcrowded prisons and significantly under-resourced probation services.

The Department of Science, Innovation and Technology has received a below average annual increase of 0.9% over the next three years, but this follows an almost 12% increase over the past two years as the government has sought to increase investment in research and development to boost economic growth.

Despite being a key priority for the government, the Department for Education has only received a 0.8% average annual increase, partly because of falling primary school rolls in line with a significant fall in the birth rate over the last decade.

The devolved administrations – Scotland (0.8%), Wales (0.7%) and Northern Ireland (0.5%) – are budgeted to receive an average of 0.7% a year over three years as a consequence of the Barnett formula that links UK national government spending in England to the block grants provided to each devolved administration, adjusted for relative changes in population among other factors.

The Cabinet Office is expected to receive just 0.4% on average reflecting the contribution that planned efficiency savings are expected to contribute to administrative budgets. This is also the reason for the 0.2% a year real-terms fall in the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) budget as automation helps reduce the cost of administering the welfare system.

The budget of the Department for Transport is expected to fall by 0.5% a year overall, but this partly reflects a fall in spending on High Speed 2 as it comes closer to completion. If that is excluded, the department’s budget is expected to increase by 0.5% a year on average. The actual increase in spending should be even higher, as the budget is net of passenger revenues that are expected to grow at a faster rate over the next three years.

Extra money for housing was found within the spending review, but this wasn’t enough to stop the budget for the Department of Housing, Communities and Local Government from shrinking by an annual average of 0.6% a year as other activities are cut back, while the Department for Culture, Media & Sport (-1.4% a year on average) has also been asked to cut back its activities.

HMRC (-1.5% a year) and HM Treasury (-1.9% a year) see their budgets reduced significantly, with digitisation and efficiency savings expected to contribute significant sums.

The Department for Farming, Agriculture, and Rural Affairs (-2.3%) is also expected to see significant cuts over the next three years, as is the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (-8.3%), although in the latter case that is principally driven by the decision to reduce overseas development assistance from 0.5% of GDP to 0.3% of GDP although some will come from back office savings.

Not shown in the chart are small and independent bodies and the government legal function, which are together expected to increase by 0.4% a year on average, although this comprise a -0.5% annual reduction in the former and a 5.3% average annual increase in the latter. The net changes after inflation are a fall of less than £0.1bn and an increase of just over £0.1bn respectively, which are rounding errors in the hundreds and hundreds of billions of pounds spent by government departments each year. 

ICAEW chart of the week: End of the first quarter (century)

Our chart this week marks the end of the first fiscal quarter of the 21st century on 31 March 2025 by comparing it with the previous four quarters in the 20th century.

A five column chart showing changes in the public sector net debt to GDP ratio from 1 April 1900 to 31 March 2025 by quarter century. 

1900s Q1: Borrowing of +£7bn or +184% of GDP less debt inflated away of -42% of GDP = +142% of GDP. 

1900s Q2:   +£18bn or +210% of GDP - 182% of GDP = +28% of GDP. 

1900s Q3:   +£26bn or +48% of GDP - 203% of GDP = -155% of GDP. 

1900s Q4:   +£301bn or +72% of GDP - 88% of GDP = -16% of GDP. 

2000s Q1:   +£2,461bn or +130% of GDP - 66% of GDP = +64% of GDP. 

9 May 2025. Chart by Martin Wheatcroft FCA. Design by Sunday. Sources: Bank of England, 'Historical public finances database'; OBR, 'Public finances databank'.

March 2025 marked the end of the first fiscal quarter of the 21st century, comprising the 25 financial years from 2000/01 to 2024/25. Our chart this week takes a look at how it compares with the previous four quarters in the 20th century.

Our chart starts with the first quarter of the 20th century that started on 1 April 1900 and ended on 31 March 1925 – the comparative period a century ago. Public sector net debt increased by £7bn (from just under £1bn to just under £8bn) and by 142 percentage points of GDP (from 33% of GDP to 175% of GDP) over the 25 years. 

As the chart illustrates, the increase in the net debt to GDP ratio reflected an increase in the numerator from borrowing of 184% of GDP, partially offset by 42% of GDP from the ‘inflating away’ effect of economic growth and inflation on the denominator. 

Almost all of the borrowing in the first quarter a century ago was incurred to finance the First World War, while the severe contraction in the UK economy after the war (partly because of the global ‘Spanish flu’ influenza pandemic) meant that the erosion of net debt as a share of GDP from economic growth and inflation was just 42% instead of the 84% it had been in the first 20 years of the century.

Around £15bn of the £18bn or 210% of GDP that was borrowed during the second quarter of the 20th century was during the Second World War years from 1940/41 to 1945/46. This was substantially offset by strong economic growth during the quarter (especially in the five years up to 1949/50 as the nation emerged from the war) that saw debt ‘inflated away’ by 182% of GDP. The consequence was an increase of just 28 percentage points in net debt as a share of GDP to 203% of GDP on 31 March 1950.

The third quarter of the 20th century saw the government borrow a further £26bn, resulting in net debt doubling to £52bn on 31 March 1975. However, net debt fell as a share of GDP by 155 percentage points to 48% of GDP, with borrowing of 48% of GDP being more than offset by a 203-percentage point reduction from economic growth and inflation increasing the denominator in the net debt/GDP ratio.

The last quarter of the 20th century saw a further reduction in the ratio of net debt to GDP of 16 percentage points, from higher borrowing of £301bn or 72% of GDP being offset by an 88% of GDP inflating away effect of economic growth and inflation. Net debt reached £353bn on 31 March 2000, equivalent to 32% of GDP.

The first quarter of the 21st century, based on provisional numbers for the year ended 31 March 2025, saw net debt/GDP increase by 64 percentage points, with £2,461bn or 130% of GDP borrowed over the past 25 years, taking net debt to £2,814bn and net debt/GDP to 96% of GDP after reflecting a 66% of GDP inflating away effect from economic growth and inflation.

One positive from these comparisons is that at least the latest quarter was not as bad as the comparative quarter a century ago. However, for a period of peacetime we still managed to borrow approaching ‘warlike’ sums to fund the costs of a financial crisis, a pandemic (although the comparative period had one of those too) and an energy crisis that all combined to increase public sector net debt massively. Meanwhile, lower levels of economic growth than in the second half of the 20th century mean that we have not inflated debt away as quickly as we might hope.

As we start the second quarter of the 21st century, the hope is that we can avoid wars, boost economic growth, control spending to keep borrowing under control and – at the same time – increase the speed at which debt is inflated away. Doing so will be essential if we are to move the public finances back onto a sustainable path.

ICAEW chart of the week: One trillion pounds (almost)

Our chart this week takes a look at how UK public sector net debt has increased from £1,816bn to £2,814bn over the past five years – an increase just £2bn short of £1tn.

According to the provisional public sector finance numbers for March 2025 released by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) on 23 April, public sector net debt was £2,814bn on 31 March 2025. This comprised gross debt of £3,198bn, less cash and other liquid financial assets of £384bn.

Our chart this week illustrates how the net amount the nation owes to its creditors has changed over the last five years, starting with net debt of £1,816bn on 31 March 2020. Debt repayments of £541bn were financed by replacement borrowing of £541bn, followed by borrowing of £847bn to fund deficits over the five years (£315bn in 2020/21, £122bn in 2021/22, £127bn in 2022/23, £131bn in 2023/24 and a provisional £152bn in 2024/25) and borrowing for other reasons of £151bn (principally to fund government lending and working capital requirements). The result is an increase of £998bn to reach net debt of £2,814bn on 31 March 2025.

At just short of a trillion pounds, this is the largest amount ever borrowed by the UK government in a five-year period, with only the £0.8tn (£799bn) borrowed over the five years to March 2013 following the financial crisis coming close – when net debt went from £567bn on 31 March 2008 to £1,366bn on 31 March 2013. 

The pandemic and the subsequent energy and cost-of-living crises are, of course, the main drivers behind the need to borrow so much in such a short time, but the worry is that annual borrowing levels are not coming down as quickly as might have been hoped (or budgeted).

Either way, the consequences of building up so much debt will be with us for a long time to come, with debt interest squeezing the amounts available to pay for public services and the tax burden approaching an all-time high, just as demographic change is reducing the proportion of working-age adults, compared with those in retirement.

Of course, as the latest numbers are provisional and the historical ones are often subject to revision, it would only take a couple of relatively small adjustments to the starting or closing debt balances to turn this from just under a trillion pounds to just over a trillion. 

Perhaps a reminder that while a couple of billion pounds is a huge sum of money to you or me (or even to many billionaires), in terms of the UK public finances it is not much more than a rounding error.

This chart was originally published by ICAEW.

ICAEW chart of the week: Pre-Spring Forecast forecast

Our chart looks ahead to next week’s Spring Statement by looking back at the fiscal forecast prepared by the OBR last October.

A seven-column chart showing the OBR forecast for the deficit from October 2024, prior to its March 2025 to accompany the Spring Statement. 

2023/24 Outturn: Current budget deficit (£61bn) + net investment (£70bn) = Fiscal deficit (£131bn). 

2024/25 Forecast: (£55bn) + (£72bn) = (£127bn). 

2025/26 Forecast: (£26bn) + (£80bn) = (£106bn). 

2026/27 Forecast: (£5bn) + (£83bn) = (£88bn). 

2078/28: £11bn current budget surplus + (£83bn) net investment = (£72bn). 

2028/29: £9bn + (£81bn) = (£72bn).  

2029/30: £10bn + (£81bn) = (£71bn). 

21 Mar 2025. Chart by Martin Wheatcroft FCA. Design by Sunday. Sources: ONS, 'Public sector finances, Jan 2025'; OBR, 'Economic and fiscal outlook, Oct 2024'.

There has been some confusion on both the title of next week’s Spring Forecast and whether it will or will not constitute a formal ‘fiscal event’. 

Traditionally, each Chancellor of the Exchequer stands up in Parliament twice a year to announce policy decisions on tax, spending and borrowing, and to set out the latest economic and fiscal forecasts, which since 2010 have been prepared by the independent Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR). One of these fiscal events is a ‘Budget’, which involves requesting parliamentary approval of the annual budget for the upcoming financial year, while the alternate has historically been described as a ‘Statement’.

Chancellor Rachel Reeves set out an ambition on taking office for there to be only one fiscal event a year – an Autumn Budget – mostly in the hope of creating a more stable tax system by reducing the frequency of tax changes, but also to provide a more stable budgeting framework for the public sector. However, she is still legally required to present fiscal forecasts to Parliament twice a year, and so HM Treasury’s decision to relabel the second event as a Spring Forecast was originally intended to emphasise that there wouldn’t be any major tax or spending changes between Budgets.

Unfortunately for the Chancellor, weak economic data – and what that implies for the profile of public spending of tax receipts and public spending over the next five years – mean that she has been unable to achieve her hope of a policy-decision-free Spring Forecast on this, her first attempt. 

Instead, the government has brought forward from later in the year its anticipated reform of disability benefits to ensure the associated cost savings are reflected in the new OBR forecast, while there are also rumours that she may, for the same reason, revise down the total amount of public spending allocated to this summer’s three-year Spending Review.

The tight fiscal situation is illustrated by our chart this week, which sets out how the current budget balance was expected to turn from deficits of £61bn, £55bn, £26bn and £5bn between 2023/24 and 2026/27 to surpluses of £11bn, £9bn and £10bn between 2027/28 and 2029/30.

Our chart also shows how public sector net investment of £70bn, £72bn, £80bn, £83bn, £83bn, £81bn and £81bn between 2023/24 and 2029/30 added to the current budget balance was expected to result in fiscal deficits of £131bn, £127bn, £106bn, £88bn, £72bn, £72bn and £71bn between 2023/24 and 2029/30 respectively.

The Chancellor’s primary fiscal rule is to achieve a current budget surplus by 2029/30, but the £10bn headroom against this target represents just 0.9% of projected receipts of £1,440bn and 0.7% of projected total managed expenditure of £1,510bn in 2029/30. 
A deteriorating economic outlook is believed to have seen this headroom evaporate in the working projections presented by the OBR to the Chancellor as part of the Spring Forecast process – at least before taking account of any offsetting decisions by the Chancellor.

Similarly, the Chancellor may also need to take action to ensure that her secondary fiscal rule – for the debt-to-GDP ratio to fall between March 2029 and March 2030 – is met. This test (not shown in the chart) also had a relatively low headroom of £16bn in the Autumn Budget forecast and further changes to government plans may also be required to stay within it.

Many of the references in the media and elsewhere to the Spring Statement next week are likely to be from people who didn’t see the announcement from HM Treasury about the name change. We did get the memo, but on reflection we think sticking with the former title is going to be more appropriate on this occasion.

This chart was originally published by ICAEW.

ICAEW chart of the week: Quangos

Talk of a ‘bonfire of quangos’ prompted our chart this week to look at how the number of central government public bodies has grown significantly over the past decade.

A three-column chart showing the number of quangos in January 2015, 2020 and 2025. 

2015 - 24 ministerial departments, 23 non-ministerial departments, 346 agencies and public bodies, 12 public corporations and 70 high-profile groups = 474 in total.

2020 - 25, 20, 408, 12 and 90 = 555.

2025 - 24, 20, 424, 19 and 116 = 603. 


14 Mar 2025. Chart by Martin Wheatcroft FCA. Design by Sunday. Source: HM Government, 'gov.uk/government/organisations'.

The prime minister’s recent pledge to tackle the “flabby” state has brought into focus the growth over the past decade in the number of what used to be called quangos (quasi-autonomous non-governmental organisations) but now tend to be described as arms-length public bodies.

Our chart this week is taken from the list of government departments, agencies and public bodies on gov.uk, showing how the number of central government public bodies has grown from 474 in January 2015, to 555 in January 2020 and to 603 in January 2025. 

These numbers exclude the three devolved administrations, local authorities, schools, hospitals, police and fire services etc, and so are only a subset of the estimated 10,000 public bodies that exist in the UK. Scottish and Welsh government departments and many Scottish and Welsh public bodies are excluded from the list, but Northern Ireland public bodies are included, presumably because they are run from London during periods when the Northern Ireland executive is suspended.

The number of government departments increased from 24 in 2015 to 25 in 2020 with the creation of the Department for Exiting the European Union (DExEU) and the Department for International Trade (DIT) offset by the merger of the energy and business departments. This fell back to 24 in 2025 following the abolition of DExEU, the merger of the Department for International Development with the Foreign Office, and the merger of DIT with the business department (a reduction of three) offset by the recreation of a separate Department for Energy Security and Net Zero and the establishment of a new Department for Science, Innovation and Technology (an increase of two).

Non-ministerial departments are 20 arms-length bodies that have budgets voted on in Parliament, including the Supreme Court, HM Revenue & Customs, National Savings & Investments, Crown Prosecution Service, National Crime Agency, Serious Fraud Office, Government Legal Department, Government Actuary’s Department, Food Standards Agency, Forestry Commission, HM Land Registry, the National Archives and the UK Statistics Authority, as well as assorted regulators comprising the Charity Commission, Competition and Markets Authority, the Office for Rail and Road, Ofgem, Ofqual, Ofsted and the Water Services Regulation Authority. There were 22 in 2015, but Ordnance Survey was reclassified to be a public corporation, while UK Trade & Investment became part of DIT when it was formed and is now part of the Department for Business and Trade.

The number of agencies and public bodies increased from 346 in January 2015 to 408 in 2020 and 424 in January 2025. These are arms-length public bodies generally funded from government departmental budgets, ranging from the Advisory Committee on the Microbiological Safety of Food, Arts Council England, the British Business Bank, the Civil Nuclear Police Authority and Companies House to the Imperial War Museum, Law Commission, Maritime and Coastguard Agency, National Lottery Heritage Fund, Office for Students, Peak District National Parks Authority, Pubs Code Adjudicator, Rail Accident Investigation Branch, Royal Mint, Sport England, Student Loans Company, UK Atomic Energy Authority, UK Space Agency, and Youth Justice Board for England and Wales, to name but a few.

The increase between 2015 and 2020 was exaggerated by the inclusion of Northern Ireland public bodies and some reclassifications of existing bodies to the public sector, such as Network Rail and the Financial Reporting Council. However, after the cull undertaken by the coalition government between 2010 and 2015, there was a steady pace of new public bodies created, ranging from the Birmingham Organising Committee for the 2022 Commonwealth Games, College of Policing, Commission for Countering Extremism, Independent Anti-Slavery Commissioner to the Oil and Gas Authority (now North Sea Transition Authority), Office of Tax Simplification and the UK Holocaust Memorial Foundation.

Despite the abolition of the Office of Tax Simplification, the number of quangos has continued to rise since 2020, with many more created over the past five years. These have included the Advanced Research and Invention Agency, Electricity Settlements Company, Flood Re, Great British Energy, Incubator for Artificial Intelligence, Infected Blood Compensation Authority, Regulatory Horizons Council and Queen Elizabeth Memorial Committee, among many others.

Our chart also illustrates how the number of public corporations has increased from 12 in January 2015 and 2020 to 19 in January 2025, despite the reclassification of BBC World Service and S4 as agencies. These are self-funded public bodies or publicly owned businesses owned by the state, which in January 2025 comprised the Architects Registration Board, BBC, Channel 4, Civil Aviation Authority, Crossrail International, DfT Operator, Historic Royal Palaces, London and Continental Railways, National Energy System Operator, NEST, National Physical Laboratory, Office for Nuclear Regulation, Oil and Pipelines Agency, Ordnance Survey, Pension Protection Fund, Post Office, Royal Parks, Sheffield Forgemasters and the UK National Nuclear Laboratory.

The remaining category is what are described as high-profile groups, which grew from 70 identified bodies in January 2015 to 90 in January 2020 and 116 in January 2025. These are mostly organisations inside government departments, such as the Defence Infrastructure Organisation and National Space Operations Centre within the Ministry of Defence, HM Passport Office and Immigration Enforcement within the Home Office, and the Office for Product Safety and Standards and Office of Trade Sanctions Implementation within the Department for Business and Trade. This group also includes professions within government, such as the government economic and statistical services, policy, legal, planning, property, security, tax, social research, and science and engineering professions, and the commercial, finance and operational research functions, for example. 

The planned bonfire of quangos is likely to find that it is a lot more difficult than it sounds. While it is possible to scrap, merge or reform many of these organisations – whether they meet the definition of a quango or not – almost all of these organisations exist for a reason.

This chart was originally published by ICAEW.

ICAEW chart of the week: Gold

With President Trump planning to visit Fort Knox to check up on the US government’s gold reserves, my chart for ICAEW this week looks at just how much gold is owned by governments around the world.

According to the latest statistics from the World Gold Council, sourced principally from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), governments and international financial institutions around the world own 35,864 tonnes of gold. Much of this gold sits in the Bank of England, Fort Knox and in central bank vaults around the world.

At a price of around £74 per gram, the total value of ‘government gold’ adds up to somewhere in the region of £2.7trn. This is estimated to be around one-sixth of the total above-ground stock of gold in the world.

While the US is the largest individual holder of official gold reserves with 8,133 tonnes of gold worth around £600bn, the 27 countries of the EU and the European Central Bank collectively own a total of 11,719 tonnes of gold worth approximately £870bn. This includes Germany with 3,352 tonnes, Italy 2,452 tonnes, France 2,437 tonnes, Netherlands 615 tonnes, the European Central Bank 507 tonnes, Poland 448 tonnes, Portugal 383 tonnes, Spain 282 tonnes, Austria 280 tonnes, Belgium 227 tonnes, Sweden 126 tonnes, Greece 115 tonnes, Hungary 110 tonnes, Romania 104 tonnes and other EU member states with 281 tonnes.

The next biggest holder of gold is the IMF with 2,814 tonnes (worth around £210bn), followed by Russia with 2,336 tonnes (£175bn), China 2,280 tonnes (£170bn), Switzerland 1,040 tonnes (£77bn), India 876 tonnes (£65bn), Japan 846 tonnes (£63bn), Türkiye 615 tonnes (£46bn), Taiwan 424 tonnes (£31bn), Uzbekistan 383 tonnes (£28bn), Saudi Arabia 323 tonnes (£24bn), the UK 310 tonnes (£23bn), Lebanon 287 tonnes (£21bn) and Kazakhstan 284 tonnes (£21bn).

The total for other countries adds up to 3,194 tonnes worth, or around £235bn or so, including Thailand 235 tonnes, Singapore 220 tonnes, Algeria 174 tonnes, Iraq 163 tonnes, Venezuela 161 tonnes, Libya 147 tonnes, Brazil 130 tonnes, Philippines 130 tonnes, Egypt 127 tonnes, South Africa 125 tonnes, Mexico 120 tonnes, Qatar 111 tonnes, South Korea 104 tonnes and the Bank for International Settlements 102 tonnes. 

While the level of official gold holdings is partly driven by the economic size of the countries concerned, it also depends on their reserve strategies, with US, German, French and Italian gold holdings making up around 75%, 74%, 72% and 71% of their official reserves respectively, in contrast with 6%, 9%, 11% and 15% for China, Switzerland, India and the UK, for example. 

President Trump’s plan to visit Fort Knox to personally inspect his nation’s gold holdings reflects one of the benefits of investing in a physical commodity such as gold – you can count gold bars, weigh them and check their purity, as well as admire its shiny quality. He may have a less satisfying experience in verifying any future strategic crypto-currency reserve, where entries in a ledger are somewhat more ephemeral.

This chart was originally published by ICAEW.